The deceased US vice-president Dick Cheney, who died at age 84, was seen as arguably the most powerful incumbents of that position in US history. Whereas numerous second-in-commands had to settle for marginal or symbolic roles, Cheney exercised huge power during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "true president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and claimed the relationship was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always referring to him in public settings as President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were peers. In spite of these denials, Cheney viewed the laidback president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
The Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a group of neo-conservatives that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in reaction to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been participating in a session at a educational institution in Florida. As Bush made his way to a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive aircraft nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the strikes changed him, making him become focused on retaliation. Together with other neo-cons, like Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a occupation of Afghanistan in an endeavor to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, even though there was little proof of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Policies
He expressed no regrets about the invasion, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the waterboarding of individuals rounded up after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on faulty reports circulated by Cheney, was the correct path to take. "It represented the proper decision to do back then. I was convinced back then and I believe it now."
Yet even at the time, there were opposing views at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I witnessed, as a baseline," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: at worst, deception, ineptitude, and graft."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had composed a memorandum setting out situations in which American interests might be compromised (including "obtaining crucial commodities, mainly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "America should be prepared to act independently when cooperative measures cannot be arranged," explicitly mentioning defense operations against Iraq.
Bush additionally had assumed the Oval Office vaguely intent on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been sacked by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of lowering America's involvement in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush bore a private grievance against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a plot to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore objected to that one of the most prominent establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a image of his predecessor's visage that everyone had to walk over.
Investigation Approaches
But it was Cheney who was one of the most vehement behind invading Iraq, consistently citing intelligence reports that were whether insubstantial or entirely misleading. He supported what the Bush government indirectly described as "advanced techniques", the use of waterboarding and torture.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that determined that no useful information had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney dismissed the report as "full of crap". He stated to Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to implement measures and put in place initiatives to capture the bastards who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
Public Persona
Cheney took pleasure in monikers given to him by detractors such as Darth Vader and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a sinister influence controlling Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Is it me who is the sinister strategist in the shadows that nobody ever sees emerge from his hole? It's a effective way to function, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Debate over his corporate affiliations accompanied him during his tenure as second-in-command. Even though he had limited background in commerce but established relationships in defence, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas companies, in 1995 as leader and CEO.
In 2000 he became Bush's VP candidate for the presidency. Controversially, during the military campaign, Halliburton was awarded US agreements valued at billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his time at the corporation rose from his $258,394 while military head to $4.4m. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement worth in excess of $20m|twenty
